Human Observation and Moroccan Cultural Residue

The huge pitfall in cultural analysis, one that sociologists and cultural analysts have readily fallen into, is the omission of humanity and direct observation within the given society. Graphs and figures can paint a perfect chart of societal failings and of how modifying one factor changes the figures, but without unbiased human analysis one cannot see the whole picture. As a measuring stick for the function of a society, the condition of its weakest members can give solid indication of how far a society has come, and how much it still clings to its past. For most societies, the weakest members are always the poor and in particular poor women. The conditions of these women in relation to the most powerful members of a society can display the size of the gap to which a society has left that weak link behind. One cannot remain a cultural relativist when analyzing the factors that contribute to the most negative of residual cultural habits from a society’s past. Even more of a challenge in remaining unbiased is being the direct beneficiary of visible exploitation.

That being said, analytically watching a culture unfold through direct presence has been a joy and a challenge. Living within a cultural and very political menagerie for nigh on a month and a half has certainly given this author a good basis for rumination and human cultural analysis. From directly observing the fall of power of aging pensioners, to the simple power structure within a Moroccan meal, the home has been rife with microcosmic and macrocosmic power struggles. Without language as a basis for inquiry, the bulk of support will rely solely on observation and inference. In this past month and a half, the best indication of this middle class family’s place in society and the whole society’s cling to the past is embodied in a 12 year old maid named Fatima. The emergent properties of both the family and of the society can be found in the family’s gradual emigration.

The Moroccan-Rabati family Naji that this author deals with on a daily basis consists of Lahcen (Hajj), aged 62; Zahra (Hajja), aged 56; and Younés, aged 26. External to the family but employed by the household is 12 year old Fatima. Other members of the family, daughter Sumya and son Simu, have families of their own nearby, while both son Muhammad, and daughter Nahwal, live abroad. The home is a vegetation-encircled, one-story building nestled among others like it in the commune for past and present Agronomy workers. The community itself is wedged between lower-middle class L’Océan and upper-middle class Agdal. The family’s schedules in relation to each other are all largely separate. Both father and son rarely remain in the home beyond sleep and meals, while both Fatma and Hajja rarely ever leave.

The daily activities of the three family members are quite simple. Fatma wakes much earlier than anyone, beginning her day at around 6:30 with a combination of cooking breakfast and preparing the day’s bread. Hajja is the next to get up at around 7 or 7:30. She begins her day with a prayer and a verbal onslaught of Fatima’s successes and failures. Hajj, who is a retiree, sometimes does not wake until just before 8 and often goes elsewhere about the commune to do light landscping and tree pruning after his breakfast (which he eats by himself). Younes, depending on whether or not he is home, never gets up before 10. He usually just has a late breakfast and heads off to work at his brother’s restaurant. Time has no direct bearing, since all members of the family eat separately and at different times of the day. Fatima who is essential to all of the family’s internal affairs, from cooking, cleaning, to medicine distribution, prepares all of the meals for each member at different times, even the meals for herself. The family goes about their day on completely independent schedules and there is no set pattern for any given day in terms of time. The sole chronological attachment to any set pattern is the pattern of prayer by Hajja and the Friday couscous ritual carried out by the whole family. Breakfast, Lunch, and Dinner all vary on a day to day basis. As for a constant of activities, the family members watch television at nearly every empty moment. The members rarely speak or do anything during television. They even isolate themselves to either of the family’s other two televisions to watch different programs. Fatima often sneaks a minute or two out of her chores to watch whatever is on TV.

As far as power structures within the home are concerned, there appear to be only two loci of power, Hajj and Hajja. In the interactions between the two of them, it is only slightly evident that Hajj has the upper hand, but Hajja is quick to speak louder and more forcefully in his presence. Hajj’s slight superiority is evident in his command and control of the television, often raising the volume over any attempt by Hajja of conversation. Hajj’s other activities do not suggest any further status of elevation. The use of Hajja’s power is most visible in her interactions with Fatima. She gives constant orders to the girl and constantly criticizes her work. There is a strong air of instruction and verbal discipline from the matron to the maid, while the maid displays an awe and fear of her superior. Younes is completely indifferent to the whole household. He comes and goes with ease, and though his meals are served by Fatima and his house is dominated by Hajj and Hajja, he rarely interacts with any of them.

The only day with certainty of ritual and power is Friday. The day begins with both Hajj and Hajja’s praying. Hajj is usually first to pray, while Hajja waits. Fatima begins her chores later than usual, and Younes follows his usual pattern. At lunch, precisely at 12:30, the adult female extended family members come for couscous. Hajj sets out for the mosque alone just before this ritual begins. Each member of the family arrives on time and all crowd around the main dining table. Sumya and her two adolescent boys come, while Simu sends his Canadian wife Nathalie as his emissary with their 4 year old daughter. Younes always stays at work with Simu. The result is an hour of consumption, followed by TV. The interactions at this session yield the most clues about the rest of the family. Nathalie as the only English speaker and most fluent French speaker gives translations to certain conversations and updates on the status of her in-laws abroad. During one session, she revealed the status of Sumya’s and Younes’ eventual emigration. Apparently the two are seeking work in the U.S. with a former host student of the family.

So what can be assembled from all of this raw observation? It is certain that the Naji family does not follow the traditional schema of a Moroccan family, and yet, they do not follow entirely the schema of a fully modernized family. While the religious adornments around the house and the typical layout of the house itself lends visual evidence as to its traditionalism, there is nothing truly traditionally about the actions of the family. With respect to time, Susan Ossman tells us that the typical Moroccan’s aspirations are for choice. She also agrees with the assumption that “Economic position is related to an individual’s capacity to decide his or her own future.” So, as far as the Naji’s are concerned their choice is their power over themselves and their neighbors, but also over Fatima who has no choice in anything. Time for food or work is not controlled by anyone but themselves and Fatima is the direct reason. Because they have no interest in Fatima’s future in terms of sentiment or success, they can have her cook three separate meals for each of them and not blink an eye for how she feels. If all of the tasks were up to Hajja, there is no doubt that the schedule would be much more set. Their social position as maid-owners allows them the freedom of time and therefore the freedom of choice.

The power structure of the family and the dynamic of its extensions can best be explained by the concept of children as investment capital. In Rahma Bourquia’s “Women, Uncertainty, and Reproduction in Morocco,” she asserts that:

A woman perceives her children as a capital or an investment which can be used at different phases of her life-cycle, especially when she ages.

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Motherhood represents an opportunity to become a mother-in-law and to gain power in the household, and having children is like accumulating capital that could be converted into material income in the future.

It would appear that Fatima gets the short end of the stick where her role as capital is concerned. Not only has her own family sent her off to make them money as a maid, she frees the Naji family’s children up for choice in their activities. Anecdotal evidence suggests that there have been a long line of previous maids in the household and at least one Naji, Sumya, also keeps a very young maid in her house. With the maid in the house, the children of the house can have choice in activities, choice in time management, and can be free to spend time on their education. The education and the choice have become their tickets to be better investments for Hajja’s future. As all of them, with the exception of Simu, are either abroad or preparing to go abroad, Hajja has expertly secured her future in places such as the US and Germany, where even basic salaries are much higher than Moroccan salaries. Hajja has also elevated the status of Fatima and has in her own way secured power over the poor. With Fatima under her direct tutelage, she can set the direction of Fatima’s life and secure her eventual position as a housewife later on.

There exists some cultural evidence to suggest that Fatima’s position in life is exactly as it should be according to traditional Moroccan culture. Fatima, coming from poverty, is not educated and speaks purposefully softly, while treading purposefully lightly. She follows along with the idea of Hshem, “The ideal person in Moroccan culture is the one who is always shy , never talks and is always nice and ready to help."This coupled with the idea of the blessedness of the wealthy engendered in the concept of the Labas ‘alih the concept that, “Poverty in this sense is implicitly a Ba’as, a curse that gets you should you be unlucky or in disfavor with God.“ So it is perhaps her station in life to live out her life earning away her family’s Ba’as. She, being a good and humble Moroccan dos not protest to this and practices her servitude with quiet humility.

The family’s future position of wealth has been secured by sending their children abroad, while at the same time following a deeply cultural concept of poverty as curse. This is actually too easy of a concept to settle with, but as there exists a substantial language barrier and certain levels of politeness towards one’s hosts finding out the actual story of the maids and the solid reasons why the Naji’s go abroad is beyond this author’s means. Their story does certainly follow with the present Moroccan pattern of progress with residual cultural anachronisms. The family maintains three televisions, an automobile, and has two children abroad. By Moroccan standards, they are pushing towards the top of the heap. But also, they also negatively shape the life of their maid, denying her school and over criticizing her actions, in effect, controlling her future choices. Their separation from each other is also another bizarrely Western concept that has infiltrated their home, yet the insistence on Friday couscous holds them to the rest of Moroccans who still largely follow that tradition. So perhaps in the end the charts and the graphs may be necessary to fill in the gaps where language fails. The human observation may also be just as flawed as the strict adherence to statistical data. As a final note, there exists an extreme difficulty in maintaining an objective standpoint on the concept of children maids. It is not, in the end a culturally relative issue. Poor women are truly left behind in cultural modernization and both human observation and statistical data support this as an enduring fact.

Source:
http://nothingbutteeth.wordpress.com
Cara Pasang Tali Layangan agar Manteng di Udara
Topeng Monyet
Keraton Surosowan

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