The Ainu Language

Introduction
Every year many tourists visit Hokkaido, located on the northern island of Japan, for skiing, sight seeing and bathing in hot springs. When tourists participate in bus tours in Hokkaido, a tour guide often tells of the folk story of the Ainu people. I have participated in this type of tour myself, and I have seen the Ainu people dancing in their traditional costumes for tourists. In spite of growing up in Hokkaido, I have never had a chance to talk to the Ainu people, nor do I have any knowledge about them. All I know about the Ainu is that they lived in Hokkaido indigenously, and most of the names of the places in Hokkaido came from Ainu language. I learned in elementary school that Sapporo, where I am from and capital of Hokkaido, means "dry area" in Ainu. I have always been curious about where the Ainu came from.

The question of the origin of the Ainu language is controversial. Many experts have attempted to clear up this question. Due to no existence of a written record of Ainu language, the expertsí work has been extremely difficult. In this paper, I would like to review the various studies on the origin of the Ainu language.

Modern Ainu
Maher and Yashiro state that since the government of Japan does not distinguish the Ainu from the Japanese on the census report, the accurate number of the Ainu population is not available. Therefore, the only way to figure out the Ainu population is by the number of people who claim themselves to be Ainu. By the self-identification method, the number of Ainu is estimated to be about 24,000. Nevertheless, it is common for the Ainu to deny being Ainu as they keep their identity to themselves because of a long history of segregation by Japanese people (wajin). Therefore, the actual population of Ainu should be doubled or even tripled (Maher and Yashiro 1995, 106). Due to the intermarriage between Japanese and Ainu people, the number of pure blood type Ainu people is very small.

There are three main dialects of the Ainu language; Hokkaido-dialect, Sakhalin-dialect, and Kurile-dialect. There are big differences between the Hokkaido-dialect and the other two dialects. None of these Ainu tribes have letters or characters; therefore, a written record by the Ainu is unavailable today (Shibatani 1990, 4-5).

Although there are indications that a large number of Ainu lived in the southern tip of the Russian peninsula called Sakhalin, the northern part of Honshu on the main island of Japan called Tohoku, and the Kurile Islands, the Ainuís main place of habitation is Hokkaido. The Russian government forced the Ainu who lived in Russia to move into Hokkaido. Many others who lived in Kurile Islands died because of poverty and disease at the time.

The language of the Ainu is almost extinct. No one uses Ainu as a medium of spoken communication today. Within the last 200 years, the number of native Ainu speakers has declined steeply.

1st stage:Predominant monolingualism in Ainu (from ?? to app. 1800)
2nd stage:Language shift begins. Bilingualism: Ainu and Japanese with dominant competence in Ainu (from app.1800 to app. 1900)
3rd stage:Language shift progresses. Bilingualism: Japanese and Ainu with dominant competence in Japanese (from app. 1900 to app. 1940)
4th stage:Language shift completed. Predominant monolingualism in Japanese Death of the Ainu language (since 1940)
(Refsting 1986, 63)

As shown above, very few native speakers of Ainu have survived. Japanese scholars have ignored studying the Ainu until recently. In the last couple of decades, the study of Ainu has become popular, so many books and magazines about the Ainu have been published, and there have been broadcasts on television and radio (Maher 1995, 106).

Is the Ainu a splinter group of Caucasians? The Indo-European hypothesis
European missionaries, merchants, and explores wrote the first simple Ainu glossaries in the early 17th century for the purpose of communication. Soon, studying the Ainu became popular among European scholars. The question of the Ainu genetic affiliation had risen in Europe, and Ainu physiological traits were introduced as "well proportioned people who were more similar to Europeans than were Japanese"(Maher 1995, 116). These traits were overly exaggerated by many scholars, and thus helped set the hypothesis that the Ainu were a Caucasian race.

The work of linguists named Ivar Lindquist and Pierre Naert had established the hypothesis of Indo-European as the origin of the Ainu language. However, their work has been criticized by other linguists. James Patrie, who is an expert of the Ainu-Altaic hypothesis, criticized Naert, saying "Naert regards the most conclusive evidence in support of this theory to be a list of fourteen Ainu words having a common semantic basis in that they are all related to phenomena of ëlightí or ëdarknessí. Evidence is cited attempting to show that these items are of Indo-European origin. Needless to say a conclusion based on fourteen lexical items hardly seems warranted"(Patrie 1982, 4).

Naertís work was based on the work of John Batchelor, who was a British missionary and wrote an English-Ainu-Japanese dictionary. Many scholars say that the Batchelorís dictionary has many mistakes, and it is not very precise. Another expert named Refsing criticized Naert, saying, "The work of Naert and Lindquist therefore stands on shaky ground. Their arguments are compromised by imprecise date, inconsistent transcription and a lack of familiarity with the grammar and morphology of the Ainu language" (Refsing 1986, 56). The influence of Naertís work was great, so the genetic relation of the Ainu language and Indo-European was common knowledge among linguists at Naertís time.

I felt this hypothesis was odd because, in my eyes, the physical appearance of Ainu people can only be Asian. Of course I am not an expert on physical traits. Surprisingly, there are many books that talk about this theory. This theory must have been very popular in Naertís time.

The Ainu and North Pacific Rim hypothesis
Because of geographical reasons and indications of the Ainuís habitation in the past, the Ainu languageís genetic relation to the languages of the northern neighboring country of Hokkaido has been the general idea. The North Pacific Rim hypothesis was expressed in the "Kitano Gengo (Northern Languages)" edited by Osahito Miyaoka who is a professor of linguistics at Hokkaido University. The North Pacific Rim hypothesis is that the American Indian migrated across the Bering Strait. This 500-page work is compiled to attest the genetic relation of the entire North Pacific Rim and American Indian languages (Miyaoka 1992, 55).

Kyosuke Kindaichi, who is the most recognized and honored scholar on Ainu studies, is also interested in the possibility of the relation between the Ainu and Native Americans. Kindaichi suggested the Ainu migrated from North America. The path of the Ainu started from Alaska, to the Bering Sea (supposedly this area used to be continent) and Siberia, and finally down southward to Sakhalin. According to Kindaichi, the Ainu characteristic of incorporating conjugation language( ) is common to the languages of Basque, Native American, and many languages of Hyperborean (Kindaichi 1992, 18). Incorporating conjugation means that the morpheme is bound together and makes a whole sentence look like one word (Miyaoka 1993, 39).
In the book of Miyaoka, this unique Ainu characteristic was also indicated as one piece of evidence of the Ainu being related to North Pacific Rim languages because many of the northern languages have characteristics of incorporating conjugations.

One interesting piece of evidence is the double-foreshaft toggle harpoon that has been found all around the North Pacific Rim. Those toggle harpoons possess very similar details, shapes, and ornament as those of the Ainuís. The toggle harpoons are called apriniap and are still used by Japanese fishermen today (Miyaoka 1992, 95). This evidence backs up the idea of the path of American Indian may have taken when they migrated from North America to Hokkaido.

Is Ainu from the Altaic family?
Another theory of Ainuís affiliation is the Altaic hypothesis. The geographical area of Altaic language covers Turkey, Armenia, and Azerbaijan through the Central Asian republics of Kazakstan, Mongolia, the inner Mongolia region of China, northernmost Asia, and so forth.

Hattori Shiro, who completed an Ainu dialect dictionary, illustrates the possible genetic relation between Ainu and the Altaic family. Hattori has done a lexical comparative study on those suspicious lexical items that may have common roots. For example, the word of the Ainu root kur:

Ainu:kur:kurëshadowí etc.
Japanesekur:kurasiëdarkí etc.
Korean:kurumëcloudíkurim ësootíetc.
Tungusic:kurunyukësootíetc
Mongol:?karaëblackí
Turkic:kurimësootí
Hungarian:koromësootí
(Shibatani 1990, 6)

Hattori does not think this resemblance is a coincidence, and there must be historical factors involved. Ainu have had contact with these neighboring countries for over thousands of years, it is surely necessary to consider the resemblance could be borrowed words from neighboring countries. However, if these words share a common root and have different derivative style, there is a good chance these words may be genetically related (Shibatani 1990, 7).

Another supporter of the Ainu-Altaic hypothesis, James Patrie, who was a student at the University of Hawaii, stated a strong hypothesis on the genetic relationship of Ainu to the Altaic family for his thesis.

There are no a priori grounds against the possibility of an Ainu-Altaic relationship. The Ainu on the islands of Hokkaido and Karafuto (Sakhalin) are separated by only a narrow body of water from the Altaic people on the Asiatic mainland. Furthermore, the Goldi, a Tungusic tribe, are the immediate neighbors of the Karafuto Ainu. Thus when one considers the genetic affiliation of the Ainu language, the Altaic family should be a likely target of investigation (Patrie 1982, 9).

Patrie put forth evidences on his hypothesis from phonological, morphological and syntactical similarities between Ainu and the Altaic family in his 160 page long thesis. Patrie exhibited 140 possible cognate sound correspondences between Ainu and Altaic languages, and says, "these characteristics are necessary and sufficient for positing genetic relationships" (Patrie 1982, 6). Patrie points out that Ainu features of vowel harmony and agglutination are common to Altaic languages. Finally, Patrie states three points that he has established in his thesis as below:

The Ainu language contains many features in common with Altaic. These features are primarily shared lexical items exhibiting recurring phonological correspondences, Most of these features must have been present at the Proto-Ainu stage, For borrowing to occur contact between the Proto-Ainu and an Altaic people must be assumed. (Patrie 1982, 118)

Even though some scholar say, "Patrieís work is the only serious, substantial, comparative, and historical work on Ainu"(Shibatani 1990, 7), his work has received unfavorable appraisals by many other experts (Refsing 1986, 57) (Murayama 1992, 1).

Did the Ainu migrate from the south? Southeast Asia hypothesis.

Just as everybody else, I thought the Ainu came from the north without a doubt before I started reading. I never had any idea the Ainu might have possibly migrated from the south. However, the recent study talks about affiliation of Ainu in Southeast Asia.

Alexander Vovin, who reconstructed the phonology and the vocabulary of Proto-Ainu, has the view that Ainu language came from Southeast Asia. After completing his comparative studies on Proto-Ainu and Southeast Asian languages, Vovin states that the most distinctive characteristics of Ainu from neighbor languages, such as Korean or Gilyak, are those of the initial consonant cluster and the rich vowel systems. Through the reconstruction of Proto-Ainu, Vovin found that Proto-Ainu had a richer vowel system than modern Ainu, and that several initial consonant clusters (pr-, tr-, hr-,ty- and hd) had been lost in modern Ainu (Vovin 1993, 176). These characteristics of a rich vowel system and consonant clusters are not common to North-Asia.

Another important evidence Vovin indicates are the Proto-Ainuís distinctive features of front /a/ and back /A/; these can not be found anywhere in North-Asia. Another point is both Proto-Ainu and modern Ainu have initial /r/ features that do not exist in north-Asia languages (Vivon 1993, 156). However, all these characteristics we have seen above are common in Southeast Asia.

Besides the cult of the bear, which is definitely of Siberian origin, the Ainu also had the cult of the snake, which definitely preceded the former. The cult of the snake is not seen in Siberia, but it is widespread in Southeast Asia. The same is the case with the cult of the sword, which also has a definite Southern origin. Neighboring Manchu-Tungus people and the Nivkh use the compound bow, while the Ainu used the simple bow that again is typical for Southeast Asia. None of the Ainu neighbors used the loin-cloth as the only garment during the summer, and none of them used poison arrow. All these features exist only in the far more southern regions (Vovin 1993, 162).

Based on all these evidences, Vovin concluded the origin of Ainu is somewhere in Southeast Asia. Vovin listed three possibilities;
Is Proto-Ainu related to Proto-Austronesian (PAN)?
Is Proto-Ainu related to Proto-Austroasiatic (PAA)?
Is Proto-Ainu related to Proto-Miao-Yao (PMY)?
(Vovin 1993,163)

Out of three possibilities 1) and 3) were dropped because Vovin could not find similar parallels that can attest the genetic relationship of between those two Proto-languages and Proto-Ainu. The question of 1) and 3) should be delayed to the future till both PAN and PMY will be clearer. However, regarding to 2) Vovin illustrated phonetical correspondences between the Proto-Ainu and Proto-Austroasiatic.

Phonetic correspondences between Proto-Ainu and Proto-Austroasiatic
PA PAA
*p *p
*-p- *-W-
*P *b
*m *m
*-O *-m
*t *t
*-t *-s
*-t *-t
*tr- *sl-
*tr- *tr-
*d *d
*hd *?d
*n *n
*t *c
*s *q(?)
*s *s
*y- *j
*-y- *-y-
*r *r
*r *l
*k *k
*g *g
*VqV *Vh
*-vO *-Vh
*-n=C *-h
*hr- *hl-
*-O *-h

Vovin strongly felt there were genetic ties between PA and PAA. Borrowing was probably not common between PA and PAA because they were not immediate neighbors. Vovin feels that comparison of PA and PAA is the key to solve Ainu affiliation, and he states that reconstruction of Proto-language is essential to search the origin of Ainu language. I have gone through many books and articles and found that Vovin is the only person who has tried reconstruction of the Ainu language.

Vovin states:
This search should not involve straight comparisons of the modern forms in different language families. The only way to clarify obscure prehistoric relations between language is to compare reconstructions. Using my reconstruction, I can definitely say that Proto-Ainu is unrelated to any of the neighboring languages. Even its ties with the Nivkh language, which are deeper than with any other language in the region, are probably due to the centuries of mutual contact, rather than common origin (Vovin 1993, 175).

Ainu relation to Southeast Asia hypothesis is supported by many archaeologists also. According to Peter Geiser, who is a professor of Sociology, Ainu may have migrated from the south and reached Honshu. Mongoloid traits also migrated to Honshu from Korea, and the Ainu and Mongols have mixed in blood, so the Ainu may have Mongoloid trait characteristics. However, Ainuís ancestors were still placed in Southeast Asia.

The Ainu and the Polynesians have a common origin and belong neither to the Caucasian nor to the Mongolian race, although they possess some characteristics of both..ÖÖthe Ainu and the Polynesians had a common, ancient ancestry. Although a relatively late Mongolian admixture occurred, the Ainu have a marked physical resemblance to the Australoid. Moreover, there appear to be common cultural elements that have persisted despite the variant influences that they received during their long trek to the north. It is asserted that the Ainuís material culture, including clothing, handcraft, household implements, weapons, ornament, religious ceremony and cult have a strong resemblance to those of people living in the Philippines, Indonesia, and Melanesia (Peng ed.1977, 9[Levin 1958, 271-2]).

Out of all the reading, I enjoyed Vovinís evidence the most. I found many books and articles on the Ainu language, but most of them are not scientific. Most scholars picked out some words and tried to explain the relationship between Ainu and other languages. Vovin had tried reconstructing Proto-Ainu and gave interesting evidence. Since the modern Ainu do not live in southern parts of Japan, many scholars locate the origin of the Ainu on the northern neighboring countries of Hokkaido. However, I found many archeologist talked about the Ainu who lived in all parts of Japan long ago. As in the book of Koyabe Zenichiro, who wrote a book about the origin of the Japanese race, there are many interesting evidences that the Ainu may have inhabited all parts of the Japanese islands. One example is that almost all names of places in Japan, even the farthest South Island of Kyushu, are originated from the Ainu language. Koyabe listed about 60 names of places that came from the Ainu language (Koyabe 1982, 101-130). Koyabeís evidence backs up the Southeast Asia hypothesis. Ainu might have come from those south islands through Taiwan, Okinawa, and Kyushu, northward to Honshu, and finally arriving in Hokkaido.

Conclusion
As I reviewed these different views on the origin of the Ainu language, all the different opinions are convincing as to what could have happened. While I was going through the Ainu-American Indian hypothesis, I remember that when I was a high school student, a member of the Latter-day Saints told me that the Ainu were the descendents of the Nephites, who were Native Americans. I thought this was a fascinating story, but I never imagined I would be reading about that later in my life.

The more I read, the more the origin of Ainu becomes mysterious to me. I came to the conclusion that Ainu may have inhabited all over the earth long ago in the ancient period. Gradually people got together and became small groups. These small groups developed their own languages and cultures, and eventually these groups of people had contact with other cultures. Slowly, these groups of people mixed blood with other races, so physical appearances had changed as well as culture and language. However, one of these groups did not mix or contact with other neighbors for long time until the modern world. They remained own their own for a long time. These are the people, the Ainu, who are the last survivors of Ice age period! Well, I do not know what actually happened. At this point, the origin of Ainu still remains mysterious; no one can come up with convincing evidence of where Ainu may belong, but I found many interesting materials through reading. I would definitely like to continue to study about the Ainu.

Taman Sari Sunyaragi (Cirebon, Jawa Barat)

Cirebon adalah salah satu daerah/kota yang ada di Provinsi Jawa Barat, Indonesia. Di sana ada suatu tempat/taman yang disebut sebagai “Taman Sari Sunyaragi”. Letaknya di Jalan Brigjen A.R. Dharsono, Kota Cirebon. Taman ini oleh masyarakat setempat biasa disebut “Gua Sunyaragi”, karena bangunannya memiliki banyak ruang dan lorong yang gelap dan sempit seperti sebuah gua. Nama Sunyaragi diambil dari kata “sunya” yang berarti sunyi dan “ragi” yang berarti raga atau jasad. Pada masa lalu taman ini berfungsi sebagai tempat bertapa untuk meningkatkan ilmu kanuragan para pembesar keraton Kasepuhan Cirebon. Namun, dalam perkembangan selanjutnya, taman ini menjadi bangunan serbaguna yang difungsikan sebagai tempat peristirahatan, tempat bermusyawarah, mengatur taktik dan strategi menghadapi musuh/penjajah, benteng pertahanan melawan Belanda dan lain sebagainya.

Asal-usul
Ada beberapa versi mengenai asal-usul Taman Sari Sunyaragi. Versi pertama yang didasarkan pada kitab Purwaka Caruban Nagari karangan Pangeran Arya Carbon, menyatakan bahwa Taman Sari Sunyaragi dibangun pada tahun 1703 Masehi oleh Pangeran Kararangen. Pangeran Kararangen adalah nama lain dari Pangeran Arya Carbon sendiri. Sedangkan, versi lainnya yang didasarkan pada kitab Caruban Kandha dan beberapa cacatan dari keraton Kasepuhan Cirebon, menyatakan bahwa Taman Sari Sunyaragi dibangun sekitar tahun 1529 Masehi karena Pesanggrahan Giri Nur Sapta Rengga berubah fungsi menjadi tempat pemakaman raja-raja Cirebon, yang sekarang dikenal dengan nama Astana Gunung Jati. Jadi, dahulu tempat bertapa para pembesar keraton Kasepuhan Cirebon berada di Gunung Sembung dan disebut sebagai Giri Nur Sapta Rengga. Namun setelah dialihfungsikan menjadi pemakaman, tempat tersebut dipindahkan dan diberi nama baru, yaitu Sunyaragi. Dan, menurut catatan Keraton Kasepuhan, ternyata yang dibangun pada tahun 1703 itu hanya bagian dari kompleks Taman Sari Sunyaragi, yaitu Arga Jumut dan Mande Kemasan.

Pemugaran
Taman Sari Sunyaragi yang sekarang ini adalah hasil pembangunan dan serangkaian perbaikan/pemugaran yang berlangsung dari waktu ke waktu. Perbaikan yang pertama dilakukan pada tahun 1852 Masehi setelah mengalami kerusakan akibat diserang oleh pasukan Belanda1 pada tahun 1778 Masehi. Perbaikan pertama itu dilaksanakan pada masa pemerintahan Sultan Adiwijaya. Sedangkan, tugas untuk merenovasinya diserahkan kepada seorang arsitek Cina bernama Tan Sam Cay. Namun, arsitek itu kemudian ditangkap dan dibunuh agar rahasia Taman Goa Sunyaragi tidak bocor ke tangan Belanda.

Pemugaran yang kedua dilakukan oleh pemerintah kolonial Belanda antara tahun 1937-1938. Pelaksanaan pemugarannya diserahkan kepada seorang petugas dari Dinas Kebudayaan Semarang bernama Krisjman. Oleh Krisjman, pemugaran hanya dilakukan untuk memperkuat konstruksi aslinya dengan menambah tiang-tiang atau pilar bata penguat, terutama pada bagian atap lengkung. Krisjman juga menghilangkan beberapa bagian pada sayap kanan dan kiri bangunan Jinem dan Mande Beling agar tidak membahayakan struktur bangunan secara keseluruhan.

Pemugaran selanjutnya dilakukan pada masa pemerintahan Orde Baru oleh Direktorat Perlindungan dan Pembinaan Peninggalan Sejarah dan Purbakala, Direktorat Jenderal Kebudayaan. Pemugaran yang berlangsung sejak tahun 1976 hingga 1984 itu, diantaranya adalah dengan membersihkan bagian-bagian bangunan yang telah tertimbun tanah dan semak belukar, penyambungan bagian bangunan yang pecah atau patah, pemagaran, pembenahan lingkungan, pertamanan, pengaspalan, membangun tempat informasi, tempat istirahat dan sebagainya.

Saat ini, kondisi taman sari yang luasnya sekitar 1,5 ha kurang terawat, karena hanya dijaga oleh dua orang perawat gua dan seorang penjaga keamanan. Karena kondisinya yang kurang terawat itu, walaupun sebenarnya dapat dijadikan sebagai obyek wisata religius yang sangat menarik, Taman Sari Sunyaragi hanya dikunjungi sekitar 10 orang setiap harinya. Kunjungan wisatawan ke taman ini akan naik bila libur atau menjelang bulan puasa, namun itupun hanya sekitar 200 orang per harinya. Sebagai catatan, untuk dapat memasuki kompleks Taman Sari Sunyaragi, seseorang hanya dikenai biasa sebesar Rp1.000,00.

Kompleks Taman Sari Sunyaragi
Kompleks Taman Sari Sunyaragi terdiri dari beberapa bagian, yaitu: Gua Pengawal, bangsal Jinem, Gua Peteng, gedung Panembahan, Balai Kambang, Gua Padang Ati, Gua Klanggengan, Kupel, Keputran, Keputren, Pesanggrahan, Gua Lawa, Gua Dapur, Gua Langse, Mande Kemasan, Taman Mande Beling, Taman Bujenggi Obahing Bumi, Taman Puteri Bunyi, Taman Perawan Sunti, dan kolam Si Manyang. Berikut ini akan diuraikan bagian-bagian dari Taman Sari Sunyaragi dari gerbang utama (Gua Pengawal).

Sesuai dengan arah menghadapnya, bagian pertama dari taman sari ini adalah Gua Pengawal. Dahulu Gua Pengawal berfungsi sebagai tempat para prajurit mengawasi keadaan Tamansari. Bagian kedua adalah Bangsal Jinem, yang biasanya dipergunakan sebagai tempat pertemuan tamu-tamu keraton yang mengunjungi Taman Sari. Di sekitar Bangsal Jinem ini terdapat kolam Si Manyang dan Mande Kemasan. Bagian ketiga adalah Taman Mande Beling yang di sekitarnya terdapat Taman Bujenggi Obahing Bumi, Gua Lawa, Gua Dapur, Taman Perawan Sunti, makara dan tirai air. Berikutnya adalah Gua Peteng yang keadaannya sangat gelap (peteng) dan sempit. Gua ini dahulu sering digunakan oleh para pangeran dan sultan Cirebon untuk melakukan lelaku. Setelah keluar dari Gua Peteng terdapat sebuah ruang arca Puteri Cina yang memiliki banyak jendela. Di ruang ini terdapat kupel kecil berukuran 2x2 meter yang berbentuk joglo. Konon, kupel itu merupakan tempat Panembahan bertafakur sambil menanti matahari terbit.

Bagian selanjutnya adalah gedung Penembahan yang terdiri dari ruang Kaputran (tempat bersolek para Pangeran) dan ruang Kaputren (tempat bersolek para Putri Keraton). Setelah gedung Panembahan terdapat Balai Kambang yang luasnya sekitar 25 meter persegi. Konon, Balai Kambang ini dahulu dikelilingi air, sehingga orang-orang yang akan mengunjunginya harus menggunakan perahu. Setelah melewati Balai Kambang, terdapat komplek Arga Jumut. Di kompleks Arga Jumut ini terdapat halaman/taman, gapura bentar yang dikelilingi air dan gua yang disusun bertingkat.

Selain gua-gua yang ada di Arga Jumut, terdapat gua lain yang disebut Gua Padang Ati. Gua ini konon digunakan oleh para pangeran untuk mencari petunjuk Ilahi pada saat menghadapi suatu masalah. Di sebelah Gua Padang Ati terdapat gua lain yang diberi nama Gua Klanggengan. Gua Klanggengan dipercaya oleh penduduk setempat sebagai tempat yang dapat melanggengkan suatu pernikahan dan tempat bagi seseorang yang ingin segera mendapat jodoh. (Gufron)
Foto: Pepeng
Sumber:
Tim Koordinasi Siaran Dierktorat Jenderal Kebudayaan. 1988. Aneka Ragam Khasanah Budaya Nusantara I. Jakarta: Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan.
http://www.sinarharapan.co.id
http://navigasi.net
http://www.perempuan.com
http://64.203.71.11/kompas-cetak/0603/18/Jabar/599.htm

1 Taman Sari Sunyaragi diserang oleh Belanda karena pada masa pemerintahan Sultan Matangaji Tajul Arifin, tempat ini dijadikan sebagai pusat pembuatan senjata dan latihan olah keprajuritan.

Traditional Religion Of The Meiteis

By Dr Angom Shyam

Vaishnavism is of comparatively recent origin in Manipur. This religion came to the land in a most unexpected manner from the east in 1470 AD. (Shakabda 1392) Thangwan Ningthouba king of Manipur, better known by his reign-name Kyamba, the conqueror of Kyang (1467-1508 AD) and his all Choupha Khekkhomba, king of Pong, conquered Kyang Khambat (a Shan Kingdom in Kabow valley) with a combine force. They shared its territories. After this, there is an interesting story or history about the advent of Vaishnavism in Manipur. As part of the celebration of victory, they exchanged presents, and one of the presents received from the Pong King was a little stone image of Vishnu riding on the back of Garuda and holding the usual weapons and the lotus. It was given in a casket.

King Kyamba once fell sick and no physician could diagnose his sickness. The oracles were consulted and advice was received through Maibis or Amaibis (Priestess) that the king could be diagnosed if worship was offered to Lord Vishnu. Some Brahamins who were well acquainted with puja (ritual) of Lord Vishnu were available in Manipur in those days.

The King was diagnosed through the proper worship of Vishnu. Thus began the regular worship of Lord Vishnu in the palace of the king and a brick Mandir or temple was built in the palace at Lamangdong. In the later part of history, this palace Lamangdong was known as Vishnupur (land of Vishnu). Although the worship continued, the King Kyamba was not initiated into the new sect.
During the reign of King Khagemba (1597-1652 AD) in 1635 AD a new feature was introduced in the annual Hiyang Tannaba (boat races). A special boat was set apart for the image of Lord Vishnu mentioned above, supposedly for the lai to witness the festival. Like King Kyamba, Khagemba was not initiated in Vaishnavism too. The worship of Lord Vishnu was found non-stop in various stages of the history of Manipur.

Pitambar Charairongba was the first Manipuri king to be formally initiated to Vaishnavism. In 1619 Charairongba was inclined to the Madhavcharya sect of Vaishnavism, so he began to worship the Radha Krishna. But he never attempted to impose to this new faith upon his people. Charairongba erected the statue of Panthoibi and the Laiwa Haiba (Sanamahi). The new faith, Vaishnavism became the dominant religion of Manipur during the reign of Garib Niwas (1709-1748). To the royal will of Pamheiba, the monarch in whose reign the fortune of the State reach their zenith, Hinduism owes its present position as the official religion of the state.

At first the decrees of the king received but little obedience and the opposition to the change central mainly round the numerous members of the royal family who were supported not unnaturally, by the maibas, the priests of the older religion. Religious dissent was treated with the ruthless severity as was meted out to political opponents, and wholesale banishments and execution drove the people into acceptance of the tenets of Hinduism. However, there is evidence of early Vaishnava influence on the people of Manipur.

Some Brahmins came from the west and settled in this land during the reign of King Kyamba in the 15th century AD but they did not have significant impact on the life of the Meiteis in absence of any help from the king. Brahmins of different place continued their migration presumably with the permission of the kings of the Meiteis. This increased by leaps and bounds in Manipur.

MT Kennedy says that Vaishnavism of the Chaitanya sect was introduced in Manipur as early as the 17th century. During the reign of Charairongba, he paid respects to the old faith and temples were created in honors of the lais (Gods) of the traditional religion. This shows that he loved the traditional faith so much in place of the new faith.

After his death, his son Pamheiba became the king of Manipur in 1709 AD. He was pro-Hinduism. He wanted to initiate into Vaishnavism. As a result of this, he was initiated into this new faith by Guru Gopal Das. The King Pamheiba punished those who were anti-Hindu dietary laws. This proselytizing of King Garib-Niwas displaced the traditional deities. Thus he destroyed several temples of Umang-lais and broke down the statues of several deities namely Sanamahi and other Umanglais. In lieu of traditional deities and places, he put Hindu gods or names such as Mong-bahanba Laishang to Mahabali Mandir (temple of Hanuman Thakur), Imoinu to Laxmi, Lamang-dong to Bishnupur, etc. In the later part of Garib Niwas's reign, a Brahmin called Shantidasa, came to Manipur from Syllet and began to preach Vaishnavism.

After converted, he severely persecuted not only the followers of the traditional religion but also those who belonged to the other sect of Vaishnavism. Through the resentment of Shantidasa, the king collected all the puyas (written record of the Meitei traditions) and ancestral records. Those puyas were burnt at Kangla, the palace of the Meitei Kingdom. Then by a royal decree books and those records in Meiteis scripts were banned. Maichous - the priests as well as the scholars who were in possession of the ancient text went to remote areas of the hill and the plain to keep their treasure concealed.

It is a long journey in the history of the Meiteis Vaishnavism influences the traditional religion of the Meiteis in various ways such as mainly in religion, education, social system, untouchability etc. In many ways Vaishnavism plays very important role in the life of Meiteis. The co-existence of Vaishnavism and the traditional faith of the Meiteis were uneasy for some time, but slowly began the process of assimilation and the result was the Hindunisation of the Meitei faith.

Vaishnavism is a mixture of ballets and rites. In many fundamental points there are some similarities between Vaishnavism and the traditional religion of the Meiteis. Both of them claim to have grown out of a divine tradition.

The Vedas are the foundation and footprint of the Hindu religion. So it is also believed that they are not of human compositions of formations and the Rishis of the Vedas are not the real authors like Hinduism, the faith of the Meiteis too has no particular author. However, there were persons of divine arrangement who enlightened people about the Gods and their functions.

Manipur Hinduism gradually became a synthesis of the old Meiteis religion with its gods and goddess and myths, its own legends and traditions, its social customs and usages and its priest and ceremonial and of Brahmanical Hinduism with its special worship of Radha and Krishna. Meiteis never gave up their culture and tradition.

So, the Meitei religion is not sectarian and also not a mere structure of creeds. But this faith is a living force that brings out all the manifold experiences into a system. The sectarian faith brings diversions among the upholders of different beliefs. But the Meiteis faith transcends narrow individuality and small interests. So the term 'Meiteis' signifies mankind. Thus the followers of the Meiteis religion is nothing but the religion of man which is universal in outlook and is not built around any particular interest. When the new faith - Vaishnavism came to be the state religion of Manipur, there was in the beginning resistance to change on the part of the devotees of the traditional cults.

Thus resistance was more political than doctrinal. The Meiteis deities were brought into Hindu pantheon. And also all Hindu deities were absorbed into the Meitei culture. Thus there is no conflict between the two faiths. The Hindus festival Ras Lila is based on the traditional dance of the Lai Haraoba, the pleasing of God. In short, the Lai Haraoba festival is a genuine festival of the Meiteis that has raised this stylized dance to the domain of a very high artistic and aesthetic expression and has produced one of the beautiful and authentic traditional schools of religions dancing in the world.

(Courtesy: The Sangai Express)

Candi Mendut (Provinsi Jawa Tengah)

Pengantar
Candi Mendut terletak di Desa Mendut, Kecamatan Mungkid, Kabupaten Magelang, Jawa Tengah. Candi Mendut merupakan candi yang terletak paling timur dari garis lurus tiga serangkai percandian (Borobudur, Pawon, Mendut). Candi yang terletak sekitar 3 kilometer arah timur dari Candi Borobudur ini merupakan candi yang bersifat Budhistis1 yang dibangun oleh Raja Indra dari wangsa Syailendra. Namun, kapan tepatnya candi ini didirikan oleh Raja Indra belum dapat diketahui secara pasti. Seorang arkeolog Belanda menyebutkan bahwa di dalam prasasti yang ditemukan di Desa Karangtengah bertarikh 824 Masehi, menyatakan bahwa Raja Indra telah membangun sebuah bangunan suci bernama Venunava yang berarti hutan bambu. Dan, jika hal ini benar, maka Candi Mendut diperkirakan didirikan sekitar tahun 824 Masehi.

Candi Mendut yang terbuat dari batu andesit dengan luas bangunan secara keseluruhan adalah 13,7x13,7 dan tinggi 26,4 meter baru ditemukan oleh arkeolog Belanda pada tahun 1836. Kemudian, pada tahun 1897 dan 1904 pada bagian tubuh candi direnovasi, namun hasilnya kurang memuaskan. Baru pada tahun 1908 candi dipugar kembali hingga ke bagian puncaknya. Dan, pada tahun 1925 sejumlah stupa yang telah dirapikan, dipasang dan disusun kembali.

Pada bagian dalam bangunan candi terdapat ruangan yang berisi altar tempat tiga arca Budha yang masih dalam kondisi baik. Ketiga arca tersebut mulai dari yang paling kiri adalah Bodhisattva Vajravani, Budha Sakyamuni dalam posisi duduk bersila dengan tangan memutar roda dharma, dan Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara dalam posisi sedang memegang bunga teratai yang diletakkan di atas telapak tangannya. Saat ini, di depan arca-arca tersebut dipasang sebuah pagar besi untuk menghindari interaksi pengunjung yang berlebihan.

Ragam hias bangunan
Bangunan Candi Mendut mempunyai banyak ragam hias atau relief, mulai dari kaki, tubuh hingga atapnya. Berikut ini adalah uraian tentang relief-relief tersebut. Pada sayap tangga, terdapat relief seekor kura-kura yang sedang diterbangkan oleh dua ekor angsa. Cara menerbangkannya adalah dengan menggunakan tongkat yang dicengkram pada bagian ujungnya oleh seekor angsa, sementara sang kura-kura menggigit bagian tengah tongkat tersebut. Saat berada di udara, banyak orang yang melihat dan mencemooh ulah kedua jenis binatang itu. Karena tidak tahan mendengar olokan, maka kura-kura melepaskan gigitannya sehingga jatuh ke tanah dan akhirnya mati. Selain itu, di sayap tangga juga terdapat relief yang melukiskan kisah tentang seorang Brahmana yang menyelamatkan seekor ketam/kepiting dari gangguan burung dan ular.

Pada kaki candi terdapat hiasan kahyangan (sorga), sebuah relief yang menggambarkan seorang laki-laki sedang duduk dikelilingi bunga dan daun-daunan yang distilir dan relief seekor kera sedang duduk di atas punggung buaya yang dihias dengan bunga-bungaan di sekitarnya. Pada dinding candi sebelah luar terdapat relief Dewi Tara yang sedang duduk bersemedi di bawah pohon kalpataru dan relief Sang Budha yang sedang berdiri di antara pilar-pilar dan berlindung di bawah payung.

Pintu masuk ke candi dihiasi dengan relief kalpataru. Kalpataru berasal dari bahasa Sanskerta. Istilah ini merupakan gabungan antara kata “kalpa” dan “taru”. “Kalpa” berarti “keinginan” atau “pengharapan” dan “taru” berarti “pohon”. Jadi, kalpataru dapat diartikan sebagai “pohon pengharapan”. Komponen kalpataru yang lengkap terdiri dari enam unsur, yaitu: pohon, hewan pengapit, vas/jambangan bunga, untaian manik-manik atau mutiara, chattra/payung dan burung. Sedangkan, di dalam ruangan candi terdapat sebuah relief Hariti. Hariti adalah nama raksasi yang sering memangsa anak kecil. Namun, setelah mendapat ajaran kebaikan dari Resi Gautama, ia menjadi raksasi yang baik, tidak lagi memakan anak-anak dan bahkan menjadi pelindung atau ibu asuh. Selanjutnya, Hariti sering mendapat sebutan sebagai Dewi Kesuburan.

Relief lain yang mirip dengan Hariti terdapat pada dinding bagian selatan, yaitu Yaksa Atavaka. Sama seperti Hariti, Yaksa Atavaka adalah raksasa yang suka memakan orang. Namun, setelah menjadi pengikut Sang Budha dan mengetahui ajaran-ajarannya, ia berubah menjadi raksasa yang baik dan tidak buas lagi. Relief Yaksa Atavaka digambarkan sedang duduk di atas singgasana yang di bawahnya terdapat pundi-pundi berisi uang dan dikelilingi oleh anak-anak. Yaksa sering disebut dengan Kuvera atau Dewa Kekayaan.

Foto:
http://upload.wikimedia.org

Sumber:
Tim Koordinasi Siaran Direktorat Jenderal Kebudayaan. 1994. Khasanah Budaya Nusantara V. Jakarta: Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan.

1 Sifat-sifat Budhistis pada Candi Mendut terlihat dari ukiran dan ragam hias bangunan yang berbentuk seperti genta dan arca-arca yang ada di dalamnya.

The Ainu People

"Ainu" means "human." The Ainu people regard things useful to them or beyond their control as "kamuy"(gods). In daily life, they prayed to and performed various ceremonies for the gods. These gods include : "nature" gods, such as of fire, water, wind and thunder ; "animal" gods, such as of bears, foxes, spotted owls and gram-puses ; "plant" gods, such as of aconite, mush-room and mugwort ; "object" gods, such as of boats and pots ; and gods which protect houses, gods of mountains and gods of lakes. The word "Ainu" refers to the opposite of these gods.

Origin
Scholars have advocated various theories about the origin of the Ainu people. The theories include the Caucasoid (Caucasian) Theory, the Mongoloid Theory, the Oceania Race Theory, the Old Asian Race Theory, and the Solitary Race Theory. Some scholars have recently advocated the following hypothesis into which the Mongoloid Theory has developed. Mongoloid peoples once were of two types : Southern Mongoloid and Northern Mongoloid. Before the Jomon Period (several tens of thousands of years ago), the Southern Mongoloid started moving northward and settled the Japanese archipelago, including Okinawa, over a long period of time. Later, the Southern Mongoloid played a major role in the Jomon Period throughout Japan. However, in the Yayoi and Tumulus Periods, the Northern Mongoloid came across the sea to Japan in great numbers. The ethnic Japanese (non-Ainu) are the people who have evolved rapidly through the strong influences of these migratory processes. On the other hand, the Ainu in Hokkaido and the Tohoku region and the Ryukyu people in Okinawa are the ones who have hardly affected by this process.

History
About 300 B.C., Honshu (Japan's mainland) experienced the Yayoi Period. Between the Yayoi and Muromachi Periods, Hokkaido experienced periods of earthenware cultures, such as the Zoku-Jomon Period, the Satsumon Period, and the Okhotsk Culture.

The "Ainu Culture" extended from about 1400 to the early 1700 s. According to one theory, the Satsumon Culture developed into the Ainu Culture through the influence of the Okhotsk Culture.
However, this theory is not a proven one. In the mid-1400 s, the Japanese extended their influence over southern Hokkaido, primarily Esashi and Matsumae. Later, they came to op-press the Ainu. To resist the oppression by the Japanese, the Ainu waged the Battle of Kosyamain in 1457, the Battle of Syaksyain in 1669, and the Battle of Kunasiri-Menasi in 1789. The Ainu lost each time. After losing the Battle of Kunasiri-Menasi in particular, the Ainu fell completely under the control of the Japanese.

They remained oppressed and exploited by the Japanese until the Meiji era. In the Meiji era, under the government policy of assimilation, the Ainu were prohibited from observing their daily customs. Given the status of former aborigines, the Ainu were forced to abide by Japanese daily customs. In 1899, the Hokkaido Aborigine Protection Act was passed. The act primarily aimed to provide relief for the Ainu and help them become engaged in agriculture. However, the act designated the Ainu as "former aborigines" and clarified the distinction between the Japanese and the Ainu.

In the late Meiji era, with an increasing number of Japanese colonizing Hokkaido from Honshu, the oppression and exploitation of the Ainu was replaced by discrimination against them. Discrimination against the Ainu still remains today and has become a major social problem.

At the Hokkaido Ainu Convention in Shizunai, Hokkaido, in 1946, the Hokkaido Ainu Association was established primarily to provide higher education and collaborate in the construction of social welfare facilities. In 1961, the association changed its name to the Hokkaido Utari Association. The association is actively engaged tackling in various problems regarding the Ainu. In 1984, the Hokkaido Utari Association resolved that the Government should enact the New Ainu Law (tentative name), a new law which replaces the current "Hokkaido Aborigine Protection Act." Since then, the association has been conducting an active campaign to demand that the national government enact the New Ainu Law as soon as possible. Furthermore, these days, various activities are being vigorously promoted to revive the Ainu language and to preserve and maintain Ainu culture, such as traditional dancing and various ceremonies. Ainu language classes are being held in various parts of Hokkaido. Moreover, associations to preserve traditional dancing have been organized to revive and conduct ceremonies such as iyomante and chipsanke.

Population
Ainu who lived in Hokkaido, the Kurile Islands and Sakhalin were called "Hokkaido Ainu", "Kurile Ainu" and "Sakhalin Ainu"respectively. Most Ainu now live in Hokkaido. It has been confirmed that a few Ainu people now live in Sakhalin. The census of the Ainu was started by the Japanese in the 1800 s for various purposes, e.g. for putting them to work. The Ainu population from 1807 to 1931 varied as follows :
1807 : 26,256
1822 : 23,563
1854 : 17,810
1873 : 16,272
1903 : 17,783
1931 : 15,969

These figures (estimated ones) show that the population decreased particularly sharply from 1822 to 1854. The reasons for the decrease were, among others, the spread through the Ainu population of such diseases as smallpox, measles, cholera, tuberculosis and venereal diseases and the breakup of families due to forced labor.

According to a current survey conducted by the Hokkaido Government in 1984, the Ainu population of Hokkaido then was 24, 381.

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