Pulut Serikaya Bakar

Bahan

600 gr beras pulut

1½ biji kelapa

1 cawan gula

2 sendok makan tepung gandum

4 biji telur

sedikit pewarna kuning

sedikit gaman

Cara membuat

Beras pulut dibersihkan kemudian direndam selama 10 menit, dicuci kemudian ditoskan airnya.

Kelapa diparut, ambil santannya 3 cawan pekatdan 1½ cawan santan cair.

Masukkan pulut di dalam loyang kemudian tuangkan santan cair sambil diaduk rata.

Kukus sampai masak.

Keluarkan dari pengukus, tekan padat-padat di dalam mangkun tahan panas dan bakar selama 10 menit.

Campurkan gula dengan tepung serta masukkan telus sambil diaduk hingga gula hancur.

Masukkan santan pekat, garam serta pewarna kuning diaduk rata kemudian ditapis.

Tuangkan di atas pulut tadi dan bakarkan semula hingga masak.

Sumber: http://www.geocities.com

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Ducati Desmosedici RR

Ducati unleashes MotoGP replica

Nearly two years after Ducati first showed off the engine, the company has unveiled its MotoGP street bike replica, called the Desmosedici RR. The Bologna firm argues this is the first time the motorcycle industry has supplied a pukka MotoGP replica and it will be the first time it has brought a V-four to production. Its previous V-four, made in the 1960s, only made it to prototype stage...

Ducati says the bike will have in excess of 200 horses and will come with a three-year warranty, with servicing in that period already covered by the substantial retail price.

Included in the package will be a racing exhaust with CPU for track use, track stand, bike cover, sponsor decal kit, and certificate of authenticity.

And the price. It's currently estimated to be 50,000 Euros, or around $100,000 by the time it lands in Australia, in 2007.

The company is taking reservations via its dealers until September 30 and says it is giving priority to 999R owners.

Here is what Ducati had to say about the bike...

The body design and the aerodynamics faithfully reflect the Desmosedici GP6. The colour scheme, the fittings, the materials used in its construction as well as the technical features of the powerful four-cylinder desmodromic engine built by the Borgo Panigale factory engineers, leave no doubts whatsoever: the Desmosedici RR is the ultimate expression of the most extreme MotoGP racing machine today.

The project is currently in the industrialization phase and, as previously announced, it will be a limited edition motorcycle, with approximately 400 bikes being produced a year. The RR is scheduled to arrive in the market in July 2007.

Federico Minoli - Chairman and Managing Director of Ducati Motor Holding - and Claudio Domenicali - Product Director of Ducati Motor and Managing Director of Ducati Corse - together with Ducati Corse riders Loris Capirossi, Sete Gibernau and Vittoriano Guareschi were at Mugello to unveil Ducati's latest jewel of technology.

"This is an important moment for us, another dream come true. Producing the Desmosedici RR means offering the ultimate expression of Ducati technology, while remaining faithful to the tradition of every one of our road and racing bikes," declared Federico Minoli. "It is a challenge that we wanted to accept and although relatively few bikes will be made, the RR will be a true object of desire for all Ducatisti. It will be the ultimate Ducati experience, one that best exemplifies the passion and the ingenuity for which we are famous. Meanwhile the twin-cylinder remains and will continue to remain Ducati's traditional engine, having equipped all of our production models in the past and equipping them in the future."

"The Desmosedici RR is a true Grand Prix replica," commented Claudio Domenicali. "The technological level of this bike is extraordinarily high and for the first time ever all the authentic performance and technology of the ultimate MotoGP racing machine have been transferred to a road-going motorcycle. Over 200 hp of power for a bike that features exclusive components and quality materials, destined to become the new point of reference for production motorcycles. There couldn't have been a better place than Mugello for the unveiling of this new bike and who better to take the wraps off it than Loris, Sete and Vittoriano, because this bike is also their bike and all of their experience has gone into developing this road-going motorcycle."

ENGINE
The Ducati Desmosedici RR features advanced technology and aerodynamics that are derived from the GP6 currently being raced in the 2006 MotoGP World Championship.

The engine of the Desmosedici RR accurately reflects that of the MotoGP bike: Ducati's traditional desmodromic distribution, guaranteeing precise valve control up to the highest revs, is perfectly matched to the 989 cc four-cylinder 'L' layout, with four titanium valves per cylinder, in asymmetrical Twin Pulse configuration, producing a masterwork of precision engineering.

The double overhead cams are gear driven, a sophisticated and reliable solution that enables precise valve timing in all conditions. This authentic copy of the Grand Prix engine is completed by a six-speed transmission, which retains its 'racing' characteristic by being cassette type, and a hydraulically actuated dry multi-plate slipper clutch.

The aim of producing a light but robust engine has led not only to an unrivalled quality component design but also the use of exclusive racing-derived materials: sand-cast, aluminium crankcase and cylinder heads, titanium connecting rods and valves, sand-cast magnesium engine covers.

Four 50 mm Magneti Marelli throttle bodies are present, with 12-hole 'microjet' injectors. For sophisticated management of the powerful four-cylinder engine a Magneti Marelli 5SM ECU and high-speed CAN line electronics have been used.

An all-time 'first' comes with the use of a '4 into 2 into 1' exhaust, with "vertical exit" silencer, hidden in the tail cover.

These are all benchmark performance features for a MotoGP replica bike, which is capable of delivering more than 200 hp of power with the 102 dB racing silencer and dedicated CPU race kit.

Amazingly the Desmosedici RR with its catalytic oxygen sensor exhaust, homologated for road use, fully complies with Euro3 emissions regulations.

CHASSIS
The engine clearly represents the beating heart of this motorcycle, but the technological advancements also extend to the chassis: a signature tubular trellis hybrid frame, refined components, and a superb carbon fibre body. This is a motorcycle that is destined for an expert rider, someone who is always looking for extreme sporting performance, as well as being an exclusive, esoteric, reliable product that is more than capable of track racing.

The colour scheme of the Desmosedici RR was the work of Alan Jenkins, the designer and one of the men behind the Desmosedici MotoGP, who was also responsible for the aerodynamics package which is aimed at achieving maximum speed and excellent handling. The bike is totally inspired by the racing machine, the Ducati Desmosedici GP6, from which it inherits all the aggressiveness of its lines. It is fitted with a new lightweight multifunction dashboard, developed in collaboration with Ducati Corse, the same one that will be fitted to next year's racing machine, the Desmosedici GP7.

The bike's development could not have been made possible without the significant collaboration of Vittoriano Guareschi, the official Ducati Corse tester, whose riding abilities and hundreds of hours of track time have made a fundamental contribution to the evolution of the project.

For the first time the Ducati Desmosedici RR uses a new welded tubular steel trellis hybrid frame (ALS 450) with the frame geometry that is the same as that of the Desmosedici GP6.

This construction guarantees an excellent stiffness to weight ratio, allowing superior manoevrability and riding precision. Attached to the red frame is the rear seat support in high temperature resin type carbon fibre. This material, normally used only on racing bikes, has the characteristic of being extremely lightweight but exceptionally rigid.

The Desmosedici RR sports a new extra-long, cast, forged and pressed aluminium alloy swingarm. The geometry and the technology of this component derive directly from the MotoGP bike, and give the RR a high level of traction control, and excellent weight distribution as well as a superb stiffness to weight ratio.

In the suspension department the Ducati Desmosedici RR features the most advanced technical components.

The rear suspension geometry and layout is the same as that of the GP6, with the rear shock attached above the swingarm and to a rocker, which is hinged to the crankcase.

The front suspension features 43 mm upside-down Öhlins FG353 pressurized forks (PFF), with TiN coated sliders. The forks, which come directly from competition use, as well as being pressurized thus ensuring excellent track performance, are fully adjustable in preload, rebound and compression.

The rear shock is also Öhlins and has rebound, low/high speed compression adjustment and hydraulic preload adjustment.

For the first time ever, this Ducati production motorcycle features Marchesini forged and machined magnesium alloy wheels, with 7 spoke design as on the GP6. This helps to reduce unsprung weight and inertia, all the while improving handling and suspension response.

With the aim of producing the ultimate track performance, Ducati in collaboration with Bridgestone is developing special tyres for the Desmosedici RR. The tread pattern, construction and profile are being specially developed and produced by the Japanese tyre manufacturer.

The numerous racing components of this high-performance machine also include its Brembo brakes. Up front the Desmosedici RR features a new pair of radial 'monoblock' callipers with four 34 mm pistons: monoblock technology, until now only used for racing callipers, allows calliper stiffness to be increased, thus improving braking response; the front brake system is completed by a radial master cylinder, with hinged lever and remote 'quick' adjuster. The pair of front brake discs are the same as those used on the GP6 in its wet weather race set-up: two semi-floating 320 mm x 6 mm discs, with machined flange. The Brembo rear brakes are made up of a 240 mm fixed disc and a fixed calliper with two 34 mm pistons.

The Desmosedici RR will be available with a special race kit that includes a 102 dB racing exhaust, a dedicated CPU, bike cover, paddock stand.

For this exclusive Ducati, a new dedicated service plan is included.

Each Ducati Desmosedici RR owner can benefit with a three-year warranty and three years of scheduled maintenance, free of charge.

Two versions of the RR will be available: 1) the Desmosedici RR - painted in 'Rosso GP', with a white number plate on the tail section; 2) the Desmosedici RR 'Team Version' - painted in 'Rosso GP', and as with the factory Corse bikes, has a broad white stripe on the fairing.

A team sponsor decal kit will be provided with each bike.

Technical Specifications: Ducati Desmosedici RR
Engine
Type	L-4 cylinder, liquid-cooled, DOHC, Desmodromic, 4 valves per cylinder, gear driven camshafts
Displacement	989 cc
Power	More than 200 HP @ 13,500 rpm*
Torque	n/a
Fuel injection	Four 50 mm Magneti Marelli throttle bodies, 12-hole "microjet" with injectors over throttle, manual idle control
Exhaust	'4 into 2 into 1'vertical exit exhaust/silencer
Emissions	Euro 3
Trasmission
Gearbox	6-speed; Cassette type
Clutch	Dry multi-plate slipper clutch, hydraulically actuated
Vehicle
Body	Full carbon fibre bodywork
Frame	Tubular steel trellis hybrid, carbon fibre seat support, aluminium swingarm
Front Suspension	Ohlins 'FG353' PFF forks USD 43 mm pressurized, with preload, rebound and compression adjustment, TiN coated sliders
Front Wheel	Marchesini forged and machined magnesium alloy wheels, with 7 spoke design as GP6
Rear Suspension	Ohlins rear shock, with rebound, low/high speed compression adjustment, and hydraulic preload adjustment
Rear Wheel	Marchesini forged and machined magnesium alloy wheels, with 7 spoke design as GP6
Tyres	Bridgestone
Front Brake	Two Brembo radial "monoblock" callipers with four 34 mm pistons; two semi-floating 320 mm x 6 mm discs, with machined flange: the same as GP6 wet race set-up
Rear Brake	240 mm fixed disc, fixed calliper with two 34 mm pistons
Fuel tank	aluminium alloy
Dry Weight	n/a
Instruments	New lightweight Corse electronic multifunction dashboard with LCD 'bar' graph tachometer, trip/odometer, anti-theft immobilizer, lap time measurement, oil pressure, fuel reserve, EOBD, clock, air temperature, rev counter
Version
Colours	Two versions - 1) Desmosedici RR: Rosso GP with a white number plate on the tail section; 2) Desmosedici RR "Team Version": Rosso GP with broad white fairing stripe.
Versions	Single-seat with racing exhaust (102 dB) - without catalytic converter. A team sponsor decal kit will be provided with each bike.

Source:
http://www.bikepoint.com.au

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Caste, class, and community in India: an ethnographic approach

Publication: Ethnology
Publication Date: 22-JUN-05

Author: Natrajan, Balmurli

COPYRIGHT 2005 University of Pittsburgh, Department of Anthropology

The anthropology of India has been dominated by an emphasis on caste that has inhibited an integrated approach to understanding class in India. Using an ethnographic approach that takes into account the symbolic and material aspects of caste and class, this article focuses on the attempts to form a "community" of potters among a large group of potter-artisans in central India. It is problematic, however, to view this community as a federation of potter castes or as simply a bloc of classes. Katznelson's (1986) insights into different aspects of class formation help to understand how caste and class get constructed in the formation of a community. Here the apparently caste-based dispositions of potters reveals a class consciousness that is culturally organized by a custom that men work the potter's wheel and women do the marketing. (Caste, class community, India)

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In the 1980s and 1990s, the anthropology of caste in India underwent a radical revision in reaction to the revolution in caste studies that Louis Dumont's structuralist approach heralded in the 1960s and 1970s (Dumont 1970). The critiques highlighted three debilitating effects of Dumont's approach: 1) that it thwarts the comparative aim of sociology and anthropology, since Indians are represented as being so different as to preclude comparison, 2) that it makes the reality of caste stand for India, which is far more complex, and 3) that it explains caste in idealist ways as a cultural construct devoid of material content, resulting in the mythology of a single hierarchy based on purity and pollution, along which all castes in India can purportedly be arranged. The last critique has also been extended to show how Dumont mistakenly makes secular power appear as subordinate to ritual status (Beteille 1979; Berreman 1979; Appadurai 1992; Dirks 1987; Gupta 2000; Quigley 1993, 1994; Raheja 1988). But, despite the critical import of these critiques, they do not bring class into the study of caste in any systematic manner. Anthropological studies of India seem to remain removed from developing an integrated approach to caste and class.

Fuller and Spencer (1990) note that the decline in the 1970s of the "village studies model" of Indian anthropology enabled a shift of focus from caste and the caste system towards other and larger structures such as class, religion, and violence. But it is noteworthy that debates on class formation in India have long been dominated by economists, historians, Marxists, development sociologists, and some political scientists. There is, however, a small body of classic anthropological works that have dealt with caste and class (Beteille 1966; Ghurye 1950; Gough 1955; Gupta 1980; Meillassoux 1973; Mencher 1974) and some more recent works (Dickey 1993; Kapadia 1995). The anthropology of India arguably is still weak on discussing political and economic issues, especially those that integrate the traditional strengths of studying caste with attention to issues of class. This article attempts to develop an ethnographic approach to class using the traditional anthropological emphasis on caste in India. Attention to the different aspects of class analysis is perhaps the best way for a focus on caste to enter the debate around class formation in India, for anthropologists can ask questions about culture and capital, community and class, and about class-consciousness and caste-consciousness in ways that elude researchers who neglect the material reality of caste. The materiality of caste needs some emphasizing due to the tendency to treat it as either ideological (as a mask for class or economic exploitation) or as an idealized social structure without any material basis (i.e., as kinship or religious system).

THE MATERIAL BASIS OF CASTE

Conventional anthropological understandings of caste are not totally devoid of material content. For example, Srinivas (1962) advanced the concept of "dominant caste" as the most useful way to understand caste on the ground. A dominant caste has six attributes; namely, a sizeable amount of the arable land locally available, strength of numbers, a high place in the local hierarchy, Western education, jobs in government administration, and urban sources of income (Srinivas 1966:10-11). But the historian and sociologist, Mukherjee (2000:337), points out that [a]ll these attributes are secondary or tertiary expressions of the formation of the top stratum of the class structure in rural society. But the proclamation of class relations was an anathema to these conservative scholars. So, class was forcibly funneled into an amorphous identity of the "Dominant Caste" because, as later admitted by its progenitor, all its six attributes need not be present in one caste entity. In other words, the "Dominant Caste" could be identified in ([2.sup.6]-1=) 63 ways! Mukherjee (2000) argues that the concept of dominant caste is actually an attempt at speaking of the ways in which the caste structure has increasingly articulated itself within a class structure, and that social reality today is neither caste in itself nor caste and class, but actually caste in class where the "class structure has cut across the caste hierarchy, forming new alliances and antagonisms" (Mukherjee 2000:338).

Indeed it is in the process of withering away with the march of history or otherwise remains atavistic, such as the distinction

between the Jews and Gentiles, the Hindus and the Muslims. Yet, it is propped up, for their own sake, by the politicians and a brand of social scientists (Mukherjee 2000:338-9). Mukherjee is too quick to announce the death of caste in India. Moreover, it does injustice to the large body of critical work on the social production of identities, forms of social distinction, and formation of group interests other than class that exist in ideological space and competition with class, all of which show that phenomena such as caste are not simply imagined and propped up by scholars and politicians. Finally, one wonders how atavistic institutions such as caste or religious identities continue to exist if they are but conjured up by scholars and politicians.

An earlier attempt to integrate an analysis of caste, class, and capitalism in today's India used statistical evidence of occupational categories and caste identities to show that whereas Indian feudalism was shaped closely by caste, colonial transformations, especially in land, gave a severe...

Source:
http://www.accessmylibrary.com

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Culture and economy: the case of the milk market in The Northern Andes of Ecuador (1)

Publication: Ethnology Publication Date: 01-JAN-06 Author: Ferraro, Emilia

COPYRIGHT 2006 University of Pittsburgh, Department of Anthropology

In a Quichua area of Ecuador milk marketing has traditionally been in the hands of nonindigenous people. In recent years the market has come into the hands of indigenous people, who use their kin relations to take it from mestizo intermediaries. The changes in the economy are paralleled by sociocuitural changes in the villages, and in notions of what constitute the economy, fair transactions, and market relationships. There is no sharp division between market and traditional exchanges; rather, market exchanges are understood in terms of traditional reciprocity. (Ecuador, market exchange, reciprocity, structural adjustments)

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For almost three decades, there has been anthropological interest in market systems considered as empirical entities (e.g., Plattner 1985) or as conceptual categories (e.g., Dilley 1992; Carrier 1997, 2002; Carrier and Miller 1998). The topic is critically important for Latin America, where the 1990s have witnessed the domination of neoliberal philosophy and its emphasis on a free market as the basis for the development of national economies. An extreme example of this philosophy is Ecuador's currency, which has been officially substituted by the US dollar.

This article shows with an ethnography of the milk market in a Quichua area of the Northern Andes of Ecuador, that changes in the economy are paralleled with changes in the culture of the villages. The commercialization of milk in this area has traditionally been in the hands of nonindigenous mestizo people, but with economic conditions changing in recent years this market has come into the hands of indigenous people, who used their kin relations to take it over from mestizo intermediaries.

Rather than having a rupture with the past, there is a continuation of local ways of conceiving the economy in terms of fair transactions and proper relationships. Unlike much of the literature on the Andes and other regions of the world, there is no sharp division between market and traditional exchanges; rather, market exchanges are understood in the language of traditional reciprocity. This article contributes to the debate in anthropology and development scholarship on concepts and functions of markets, and to the growing awareness among scholars from different disciplines that "much Western thinking about the economy is problematic and heavily ideological and so merits careful scrutiny" (Carrier 2002:126).

SETTING

The ethnographic area lies in the parish of Olmedo, in the inter-Andean valley delimited by the Cayambe volcano to the east and by the slopes of the Mojanda mountain to the west, at an altitude between 2800 and 3400 miles above sea level. The climate is Andean, with temperatures ranging between 5[degrees] and 22[degrees] C throughout the year, dropping sharply at higher altitudes and at night. Most of the area falls below 3100 miles above sea level. This ecological zone has heavy showers in the rainy season, prolonged droughts in the dry season, chill dry winds, and frosts that threaten crops. At lower elevations, potatoes are primarily raised, along with maize and broad beans, while in the higher areas wheat, and especially barley, are grown. The area above 3200 miles above sea level (the Paramo) has traditionally been used for cattle grazing.

From colonial times until 1908, the area was a vast hacienda owned in turn by several Catholic religious orders, and based on a system of debt peonage in which indigenous peasants received the use of small plots of land and small sums of cash that they had to repay in labor (Guerrero 1991; Ferraro 2000a, 2000b). In 1908 the Government of Ecuador expropriated all church properties; the area was divided into five smaller haciendas managed by a Government Agency that rented land and, as before, was based on peonage labor (Crespi 1968; Guerrero 1991; Ferraro 2000a, 2004a). The Agrarian Reform aimed to redistribute the land more equitably to the indigenous people but did not fully succeed. The big landowners managed to keep the best land for themselves, but a group was formed by peasants who managed to buy the land freed by the Reform. This resulted in a differentiation among the peasantry (Muratorio 1980; Furche 1988; Guerrero 1991; Martinez 1995a; Ferraro 2000a, 2004a). The haciendas were taken by the state and the land distributed among the resident peasants and peasant co-operatives created specifically for this purpose. The co-operatives became a further means of discrimination among the peasants, since those who were not members of a co-operative were denied access to the land. Once the co-operatives achieved their main aim--to buy the land from the state--its members divided the land and other co-operative resources and assets among themselves, and in the 1990s the co-operatives were dissolved (Ferraro 1992, 2000a; Haubert 1990; Martinez 1994, 1995a; Breton 1997).

A result of the Agrarian Reform has been a greater concentration of the most productive lands in the hands of the landowners, while the indigenous ex-peons received the least productive plots at higher elevations. These plots are further divided into minifundios (small plots) that are intensively farmed for subsistence and, therefor, are progressively deteriorating.

Indigenous and mestizo people reside in the parish of Olmedo. Relations between the two groups are strained, as each feels superior to the other. In socio-economic terms, this division is determined above all by the level of control over basic resources such as land, pasture, and cattle, and by the level of engagement in the national society.

Mestizos live mainly in the parish seat, Olmedo, a small town established in the 1930s by nonindigenous landless workers of the nearby hacienda. They were apegados (lit. "stuck on"), people granted permission to reside on a small plot of land belonging to other families (Guerrero 1991). Until the Agrarian Reform took place, the town was economically and administratively dependent on the hacienda, whose center was established in Pesillo, the largest indigenous village of the area, giving Pesillanos cause to feel superior to mestizos (Ferraro 2000a). On the other hand, mestizos consider indigenous people to be ignorant and stupid, citing as evidence their inability to trade. Mestizos, anxious to establish a clear difference between themselves and indigenous...

Source:
http://www.accessmylibrary.com

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Puding Pelangi Ayu

Bahan A

20 agar-agar – direndam semalam

8 cawan air

2 cawan gula pasir

½ tin susu cair (1 cawan)

5 biji kuning telur

3 biji putih telur – dipukul 3 menit

2 sendok makan tepung jagung

1 sendok makan tepung kastard

2 sendok makan mentega

1 sendok teh vanilla

½ sendok teh garam

2 helai daun pandan

Bahan B

1 sendok teh coklat emulco

½ sendok teh esen kopi

1 sendok teh esen strawberi dan pewarna ros

Cara membuat

Rebus agar-agar hingga hancur.

Masukkan gula dan biarkan larut kemudian ditapis.

Kocok kuning telur, tepung jagung, kastard, susu, garam dan vanilla.

Masukkan ke dalam agar-agar.

Campurkan mentega dan tutup api.

Masukkan putih telur dan kocok hingga hancur dan bersatu.

Potong menjadi 3 bagian, satu bagian dibiarkan dengan warna asal.

Ambil satu sendok adonan puding untuk diwarnakan dengan coklat emulco dan esen kopi.

Satu sendok lagi adonan agar-agar diberi warna strawberi dan pewarna ros.

Tuangkan ke dalam selang selikan, yang pertama dengan warna coklat, diikuti warna merah ros dan warna asal.

Biarkan beku sebelum dihidangkan.

Sumber: http://www.geocities.com

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